RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
(The Elkhorn Manifesto)
SHADOW OF THE SWASTIKA: Part 4
The Real Reason the Government Won't Debate
Medical Cannabis and Industrial Hemp Re-legalization
An Open Letter to All Americans
By R. William Davis
Documented Evidence of a Secret Business and Political Alliance
Between the U.S. "Establishment" and the Nazis -
Before, During and After World War II - up to the Present.
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard Nixon. To do so we must return to the years just after the end of World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles.
The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can only be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent career also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:
"According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,' Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi documents." The documents in question revealed the wartime record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in partnership with Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of Jews during the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost' Blessings Nazi party records, but he helped peddle a false biography in the ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"
The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover up his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing as an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German oil interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi link to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the Arabian- American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could have taken a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized a set of the captured Konti records."
According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the young navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return, Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)
Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that confidential government files showed that one of Foster's foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist. The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany, apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be useful after Dewey became president." [He would be useful anyway, despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)
After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman administration was filled with 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community.
"The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know the reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the cover of the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination, whose chief, Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the Eastern European emigre networks that had worked first for the SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.
"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the United States less for intelligence purposes than for political advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for the Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.
"In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly, recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United States after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in several Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who had been recruited by the SS as political and police leaders during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported the Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest means of getting back into power in their former homelands and made a significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"
The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked as a party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the members of Hitler's political organization went to the Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ." (3)
This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis developed because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential election on the Jewish vote. When [Nixon] became Eisenhower's vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own ethnic base.
"Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against Jews in American politics was never investigated at the time. The foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist emigre groups had a ready-made network for contacting and mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the leadership of the Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset the Jewish vote for the Democrats.
"In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the Republican National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy signed on' with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis, even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon himself oversaw the new immigration program. As vice president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the White House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had found a new home in the United States, where they reestablished their networks.
"In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election, he would create a permanent ethnic council within the Republican party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to surface only during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was carried out after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's tenure as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign structure of Republican politics, along with several other Fascist organizations." (4)
The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968 presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became the point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert operations and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5)
One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo Pasztor, described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair of Nixon's Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during World War II . . . was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow Cross government of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the extermination of the Jewish population.
"[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council. Not surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the closet in droves.
"The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for emigre Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). . . . an organization dominated by war criminals and fugitive Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to celebrate Captive Nations Week." (6)
"During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key position as the Republican National Committee's nationalities director. . . .
"The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a defense. [Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at the same time as the November 1971 convention. Among those mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the industrious head of the GOP ethnic groups, [who] was never asked about his wartime activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who interviewed him for his job.' It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that Pasztor had been a ranking member of a Fascist government at war with the United States.
". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European Fascist movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the Republican administration changed the rules, and even members of the Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States as long as they claimed only to have fought the Communists on the Eastern Front." (7)
The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of the book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy Assassination. Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known, Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.
"The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the University of Southern California, and the University of California at Los Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept alive the vision of a new Reich. America has for a long time harbored this dark side of its character, one of violence and the Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.
"But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the Will' was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of the White House until all hours of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their power, with blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)
"According to several of our sources in the intelligence community who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican party's Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives. The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the Republican leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with George Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage control.
"According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious mass murderer from what is today called the independent nation of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's ethnic section; there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .
"The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of the top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn sponsored their friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who had originally fled to Argentina were moving to the United States. . . ." (9)
It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the brink of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four decades become a matter of mass-media attention. After the Watergate Break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to reveal the slush-funds, money-laundering, illegal corporate campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972 Presidential election process, the involvement of ITT and the Nixon Administration into the assassination of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected president of Chile, and many other aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open. Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth by the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent pardoning by his hand-picked successor, Gerald Ford.
NOTES: RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
The Secret War Against the Jews, p. 221
Ibid., pp. 221-222
Ibid., pp. 222-223
Ibid., pp. 122-123
Ibid., pp. 224-225
Ibid., pp. 297-298
Ibid., pp. 298-299
High Treason, Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, pp. 417-418
The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 300-301
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
Like Richard Nixon, George Bush was a strong anti-marijuana/hemp president, escalating the so-called "war on drugs" begun by Nixon. And, like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting the Nazis in the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the Nazis was a Bush family tradition which goes back more than six decades and, once again, to Allen Dulles.
Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts well before he launched his own career. It goes back to the 1920s, when the Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall Street were making their deals with the Nazis. . . ."
THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION
"George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and maternal grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of St. Louis, who founded the banking and investment firm of G. H. Walker and Company in 1900. Later the company shifted from St. Louis to the prestigious address of 1 Wall Street. . . .
"Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in the United States. The relationship went all the way back to 1924, when Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing Hitler's infant Nazi party. As mentioned in earlier chapters, there were American contributors as well.
"Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell because they supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were in it for profit more than ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi Germany in the 1930s to ensure that their clients did well out of the German economic recovery. . . .
"Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding Germany. According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher Simpson's seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit, Brown Brothers, Harriman was another bank that specialized in investments in Germany. The key figure was Averill Harriman, a dominating figure in the American establishment. . . .
"The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman & Company. The link between Harriman & Company's American investors and Thyssen started in the 1920s, through the Union Banking Corporation, which began trading in 1924. In just one three-year period, the Harriman firm sold more than $50 million of German bonds to American investors. 'Bert' Walker was Union Banking's president, and the firm was located in the offices of Averill Harriman's company at 39 Broadway in New York.
"In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott Bush. It was the sort of favor families do to help their children make a start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly. Walker made Prescott vice president of W. A. Harriman. The problem was that Walker's specialty was companies that traded with Germany. As Thyssen and the other German industrialists consolidated Hitler's political power in the 1930s, an American financial connection was needed. According to our sources, Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering machine. . . .
"In , Harriman & Company merged with a British-American investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman. Prescott Bush became one of the senior partners of the new company, which relocated to 59 Broadway, while Union Banking remained at 39 Broadway. But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his son-in-law on the board of directors of Union Banking.
"Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G. Farben's Nazi espionage unit in the United States. The shipping line smuggled in German agents, propaganda, and money for bribing American politicians to see things Hitler's way. The holding company was Walker's American Shipping & Commerce, which shared the offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking. In an elaborate corporate paper trail, Harriman's stock in American Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet another holding company, the Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker's office. The directors of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert Walker, and Prescott Bush. . . .
". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired marine general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown Brothers, Harriman for having the U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in order to exploit financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . .
". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's 'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi propaganda efforts both in Germany and the United States.' Walker did not know it, but one of his American employees, Dan Harkins, had blown the whistle on the spy apparatus to Congress. Harkins, one of our best sources, became Roosevelt's first double agent . . . [and] kept up the pretense of being an ardent Nazi sympathizer, while reporting to Naval Intelligence on the shipping company's deals with Nazi intelligence.
"Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors, "Bush hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The lawyer he hired had considerable expertise in such underhanded schemes. It was Allen Dulles. According to Dulles's client list at Sullivan & Cromwell, his first relationship with Brown Brothers, Harriman was on June 18, 1936. In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for the firm as 'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil] Investing stock.'
"As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had completed a major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G. Farben. By the end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his cloaking activities into one client account: 'Brown Brothers Harriman-Schroeder Rock.' Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi bank on whose board Dulles sat. The 'Rock' were the Rockefellers of Standard Oil, who were already coming under scrutiny for their Nazi deals. By May 1939 Dulles handled another problem for Brown Brothers, Harriman, their 'Securities Custodian Accounts.'
"If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding companies Brown Brothers, Harriman was connected with, he did not do a very good job. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word leaked from Washington that affiliates of Prescott Bush's company were under investigation for aiding the Nazis in time of war. . . .
". . . The government investigation against Prescott Bush continued. Just before the storm broke, his son, George, abandoned his plans to enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army. It was, say our sources among the former intelligence officers, a valiant attempt by an eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's honor.
"Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the U.S. government charged his father with running Nazi front groups in the United States. Under the Trading with the Enemy Act, all the shares of the Union Banking Corporation were seized, including those held by Prescott Bush as being in effect held for enemy nationals. Union Banking, of course, was an affiliate of Brown Brothers, Harriman, and Bush handled the Harrimans' investments as well.
"Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the whole story of the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began to unravel. A few days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries -- the Holland American Trading Corporation and the Seamless Steel Equipment Corporation -- also were seized. Then the government went after the Harriman Fifteen Holding Company, which Bush shared with his father-in-law, Bert Walker, the Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian-American Corporation. The U.S. government found that huge sections of Prescott Bush's empire had been operated on behalf of Nazi Germany and had greatly assisted the German war effort." (1)
"Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not get away from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his grandfather and father had joined in the 1920s. Wherever he turned, George found that the influence of the Dulles brothers was already there. Even when he fled to Texas to become a successful businessman on his own, he ran into the pirates of Wall Street.
"One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party later became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business. Edwin Pauley, a California oil man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert agents in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations . . . a 'big business' Democrat. . . ."
Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the Democratic National Committee, director of the Democratic convention in 1944 and, after Truman's election, Truman appointed him the "Petroleum Coordinator of Lend-Lease Supplies for the Soviet Union and Britain."
Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman appointed Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied Reparations Committee, with the rank of ambassador," as well as "industrial and commercial advisor to the Potsdam Conference, 'where his chief task was to renegotiate the reparations agreements formulated at Yalta.' As one historian noted, the 'oil industry has always watched reparations activities carefully.' There was a lot of money involved, and much of it belonged to the Dulles brothers' clients."
At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons,
"the Dulles brothers were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe for their clients as well as for their own profit. They didn't want the Soviets to get their hands on these assets or even know that they existed. Pauley played a significant role in solving this problem for the Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's industrial assets was located in the zones occupied by the West's forces. As Washington's man on the ground, Pauley managed to deceive the Soviets for long enough to allow Allen Dulles to spirit much of the remaining Nazi assets out to safety. . . .
"Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi assets, then moved into another post where he could help them further. After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist hands, Pauley was given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets and determining the amount of its war debt.' Again, it was another job that was crucial to the Dulles clique's secret financial and intelligence operations." (2)
After Pauley retired from government work he went back to being an independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In 1958 he founded Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with Howard Hughes to expand oil production in the Gulf of Mexico.
"Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore petroleum reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute with the Mexican Government, which considered the royalties from the wells to be too low.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians. Hughes and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time, while advancing their own financial interests in the lucrative Mexican oil fields. Pauley, say several of our sources, was the man who invented an intelligence money-laundering system in Mexico, which was later refined in the 1970s as part of Nixon's Watergate scandal. At one point CIA agents used Pemex, the Mexican government's oil monopoly, as a business cover at the same time Pemex was being used as a money laundry for Pauley's campaign contributions. As we shall see, the Mexican-CIA connection played an important part in the development of George Bush's political and intelligence career. . . .
"Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the threads of the Mexican connection together. He was Bush's business associate, a front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles was CIA director then], and originator of the use of Mexican oil fronts to create a slush fund for Richard Nixon's various campaigns. . . .
"Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960. It should be recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund during the Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national security' cover-up. The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate. Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work for Nixon that they could never extricate themselves. According to a number of our intelligence sources, the deals Bush cut with Pauley in Mexico catapulted him into political life. In 1960 Bush became a protege of Richard Nixon, who was then running for president of the United States. . . .
"The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard Nixon, who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's covert planning for the Bay of Pigs [invasion]. For years it has been rumored that Dulles's client, George Bush's father, was one of the Republican leaders who recruited Nixon to run for Congress and later convinced Eisenhower to take him on as vice president. There is no doubt that the two families were close. George Bush described Nixon as his 'mentor.' Nixon was a Bush supporter in his very first tilt at politics, during his unsuccessful run for the Senate in 1964, and turned out again when he entered the House two years later.
"After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general house cleaning on the basis of loyalty. 'Eliminate everyone,' he told John Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George Bush. Bush will do anything for our cause.' . . . According to Bush's account, the president told him that 'the place I really need you is over at the National Committee running things.' So, in 1972, Nixon appointed George Bush as head of the Republican National Committee.
"It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic' emigres a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972 Nixon's State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian counterpart that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out the vote in several key states. Bush's tenure as head of the Republican National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo Pasztor's 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council into the party's official ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as Bush's campaign allies were the emigre Fascists whom Dulles had brought to the United States. . . .
". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the same ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic outreach program when he first ran for president.
"According to our sources in the intelligence community," state the authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate investigations might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in the Republican party's closet. Bush himself acknowledges that he wrote Nixon a letter asking him to step down. The day after Bush did so, Nixon resigned.
"Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon Nixon's resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to the UN. Nelson Rockefeller became vice president and chief damage controller. He formed a special commission in an attempt to preempt the Senate's investigation of the intelligence community. The Rockefeller Commission into CIA abuses was filled with old OPC [Dulles's Office of Policy Coordination] hands like Ronald Reagan, who had been the front man back in the 1950s for the money-laundering organization, the Crusade for Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom fighters' program." (3)
In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the subject of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major mass media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical stories reported in America's alternative press that raised serious questions about the Republican candidate, George Bush, dating from his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his Presidential campaign's connection with a network of anti-Semites with Nazi and fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)
NOTES: GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
The Secret War Against the Jews, pp. 357-361
Ibid., pp. 362-364
Ibid., pp. 365-371
The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News That Didn't Make The News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl Jensen, Director., pp. 230.
If, before you finished reading this publication, you ever wondered why the U.S. federal government refuses to consider the medicinal and industrial value of cannabis hemp, despite widespread and growing support from the public, medical experts, industry leaders, and a growing number of state legislators across this nation . . . you now have the answer.
For the past several generations, Americans have been systematically deceived about the true nature of cannabis hemp. Many Americans have died - victims of political murders. Millions have been imprisoned, their children and their property taken away, their futures destroyed. The history of my own state - Kentucky - and others as well, have been "sanitized," rewritten, our heritage deleted, our citizens defrauded and impoverished to bury the truth.
And if, before you finished reading this publication, you ever wondered why the U.S. federal government would train and finance Central American death squads; or why, while waging the so-called "war on drugs," the U.S. federal government would operate cocaine and heroin smuggling operations around the world, bringing in tons of drugs to places like Mena, Arkansas; or why the U.S. federal government would "spread democracy" throughout the world by assassinating democratically elected politicians - both at home and abroad - replacing them with right-wing dictators and training their secret police in the latest techniques of torture, terrorism, and mind control; or why the U.S. federal government would conduct deadly medical and radiation experiments on unsuspecting citizens - including pregnant women, the mentally impaired, and children . . . you now have the answer.
The last question is "what are we going to do about it?"
BIBLIOGRAPHY (By section)
The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to American Politics - Second Edition, By Thomas R. Dye and L. Harmon Zeigler - Duxbury Press, CA. 1972
The Arms Bazaar: From Lebanon to Lockheed - By Anthony Sampson - The Viking Press, NY. 1977
U. S. CORPORATIONS AND THE NAZIS
Facts and Fascism - By George Seldes (Assisted by Helen Seldes) - Sixth Edition - In Fact, Inc., NY. 1943
Trading with the Enemy: An Expose of the Nazi-American Money Plot 1933-1949 - By Charles Higham - Delecorte Press, NY. 1983
Even the Gods Can't Change History: The Facts Speak for Themselves - By George Seldes - Lyle Stuart, Inc., NJ. 1976
Power, Inc.: Public and Private Rulers and How to Make Them Accountable - By Morton Mintz & Jerry S. Cohen - Viking Press, NY. 1976
The Plot to Seize the White House - By Jules Archer - Hawthorn Books, 1973
It's A Conspiracy!: The Shocking Truth About America's Favorite Conspiracy Theories - By Michael Litchfield/The National Insecurity Council - EarthWorks Press, CA. 1992
The Secret War Against The Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed The Jewish People - By John Loftus and Mark Aarons - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1994
HEMP & the Marijuana Conspiracy: The Emperor Wears No Clothes - By Jack Herer (Editors: C. Conrad, L. & J. Osburn, E. Komp , and J. Stout)
H.E.M.P. (Help Eliminate Marijuana Prohibition), CA. 1995
One Thousand Americans - By George Seldes - BONI & GAER, NY. 1947
Ain't Nobody's Business If You Do: The Absurdity of Consentual Crimes in a Free Society - By Peter McWilliams - Prelude Press, CA. 1993
A History of the Hemp Industry in Kentucky - By Professor James F. Hopkins - University of Kentucky Press, Lexington, KY. 1951
Spooks: The Haunting of America - The Private Use of Secret Agents - By Jim Hougan - First Bantam Edition - William Morrow and Co., NY. 1979
The Sovereign State of ITT - By Anthony Sampson - Stein and Day, NY. 1973
Democracy for the Few - By Michael Parenti - Fourth Edition - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1983
THE NEW WORLD (DIS)ORDER
Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time - By Carroll Quigley, Second Printing - Wm. Morrison, NY. 1974
The American Establishment - By Leonard Silk & Mark Silk, First Discus Printing - Avon Books (by arrangement with Basic Books), NY. 1981
The New Germany and the Old Nazis - By T.H. Tetens - Random House, NY. 1961
Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazi's and Its Effect on the Cold War - By Christopher Simpson - Weidenfeld & Nicolson, NY. 1988
Unholy Trinity: The Vatican, the Nazis, and Soviet Intelligence - By Mark Aarons & John Loftus, First U.S. Edition - St. Martin's Press, NY. 1992
Conspiracies, Cover-Ups and Crimes: From JFK to the CIA Terrorist Connection - By Jonathan Vankin - Bantam Doubleday Dell Publishing Group, Inc., NY. 1992
RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON
High Treason: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy and the New Evidence of Conspiracy - By Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, Berkley Edition - Berkley Books, NY. 1990
GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH
Censored: The News That Didn't Make the News - And Why - By Carl Jensen - Shelburne Press, Inc., NY. 1993
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R. William Davis - Founder and Director, The Elkhorn Project
"Restoring Kentucky's Proud Heritage and Bright Future"
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